Boards
of Education Presidents Across the Country
by
Sarah Elzas
School
Boards are institutions that can conjure up plenty of images of
political squabbling, forced ideologies and bureaucracy, especially
in large, urban cities. While these systems sometimes seem to
have a life of their own, they are still made of up individuals—superintendents,
chancellors, board members. Each person may have his or her own
agenda and wants to see children educated in a certain way. It
is these different approaches toward what constitutes “good” for
children that make urban education reform so complicated, but
also what makes the debates so complex and intriguing.
“Whose
children do we cherish?” asks Genethia Hudley-Hayes, the President
of the over 722,000-student Los Angeles Unified School District
(LAUSD) since 1999, putting into emotional terms the questions
facing large school districts: How are programs going to be funded
with limited resources? Whose programs will be funded? And ultimately,
who is going to decide?
In New York City, Ninfa Segarra, a Board member appointed by Mayor
Rudy Giuliani in May of 1994, was voted by the Board in a contentious
election in which two of the seven members abstained, to fill
the remainder of the term that expires June 30.
The election of Segarra and the ensuing drama—Queens and Manhattan
borough presidents asking their appointed members to step down
because of their voting—underscored the highly charged, political
atmosphere that characterizes the New York City BOE these days.
But in some other large school districts across the country, consensus
rather than conflict seems to be the order of things. Run by people
who are or have been CEOs or managers in other companies, districts
such as Houston and Boston have been able to come to some sort
of agreement.
Jeff Shadwick, president of the Board of Education of the Houston
Independent School District (HISD), likens his organization to
that of a corporation. “All employees work for the CEO—the superintendent,”
he explains. The School Board, like a board of trustees, appoints
the CEO and “holds him accountable.” They stay out of the superintendent’s
way because, “when trustees take control, that’s when things go
bad.”
Shadwick, a business bankruptcy specialist lawyer, describes his
nine-member board as very diverse—racially as well as in experience—yet
able to come to agreement. “We are very deferential to each other,”
he says. Houston had its “era of disagreement” about five or ten
years ago, according to Shadwick, when battles were fought over
privatization, decentralization and organization. But things settled
down “once people saw that these things worked—privatization saved
money, decentralization gave parents a say. We are going through
an era of harmony.”
In Boston before 1992, School Committee members were elected by
districts at large, explains Dr. Elizabeth Reilinger, the Chair
of the seven-member Committee and CEO of Crittenton Hastings House
in Boston. Then, a referendum was passed giving the mayor the
power to appoint members from candidates presented by committees
of teachers, parents, the teacher’s union and members of the business
community.
“In
the past, an elected School Committee position was seen as a first
step towards a political position,” says Reilinger. “Now there
is more opportunity and incentive to come to consensus than there
would be on an elected committee.” She stresses that consensus
does not mean the Committee always votes the same way, but “a
thread of pragmatism runs through the Committee. It is important
to understand that you aren’t going to make changes overnight,”
she says. Reilinger runs her committee with a “facilitative rather
than an adversarial” approach.
Like Houston, Atlanta has an independent school board which, according
to Dr. Mitzi Bickers, President of the Board, is key for them
to dedicate themselves on the “education of children,” a “core
business” that is too important “to be part of a larger puzzle
of urban issues.” Being independent allows the Board to avoid
being “put in the position of having to compete for attention
and budget dollars with other important functions of government,
such as public safety.”
Already, on a the basic logistical level of school board organization,
different cities have completely different approaches. While Reilinger
says that mayoral appointment avoids the politicization of school
board positions in Boston, Bikers says that an independent school
board “draws individuals specifically interested in serving the
needs of children.”
If consensus is the goal, it is the President’s role to make it
happen. For five years before joining the Board of the LAUSD,
Hayes was the executive director of the Southern Christian Leadership
Conference of Los Angeles. There, she learned “coalition building”
and “collaborative engagement with a variety of stakeholders to
develop common purpose.”
But she describes herself as “collaborative to a point.” As president,
she uses her leadership to build coalitions in order to accomplish
stated goals. “Building consensus on a board with a 7-0 voice
is important,” explains Hayes. “It sends a good message to the
system that the board is committed fully to any policy it creates.”
During her presidency, Hayes says she has managed to find that
agreement about 75 percent of the time, and on important issues,
100 percent of the time.
Ultimately, all the coalition building amounts to one thing: “How
does this help us do a better job of educating students?” asks
Hayes.
Beyond their structure and organization, school boards deal with
implementing policies, from bilingual education programs, to teacher
salary contracts, to testing plans and school choice—charters
and vouchers. Testing is a hot issue all over the country. Only
recently has New York state required all students to pass the
Regent’s exams to graduate high school. New York City school children
take a variety of assessment tests through elementary and junior
high school.
In Boston, this year marks the first year that results from the
Massachusetts Comprehensive Assessment System Test (MCAS) are
counted towards students’ graduation. Opponents predicted a surge
in the need for remediations and holding students back for the
tenth graders who do not pass the test. Last year, 34 percent
failed the English portion, and 45 percent failed the math section,
according to the Boston Globe. Despite these statistics, Reilinger
supports the tests. “It has never been a requirement before, so
it was not taken seriously,” she explains. The test, she says,
is “an invaluable assessment test, a way to get a handle on where
our students are.”
Houston has also embraced testing. Two years ago HISD started
testing each grade beginning in the first grade. Students take
the Texas Assessment of Academic Skills (TAAS), a “norm-referenced
test,” meaning that students must achieve a certain set standard,
not based on relative scores. If a student does not pass, he or
she will attend summer school. “We have found tests to be helpful,”
says Shadwick.
Shadwick feels that along with testing, decentralizing individual
schools’ budgets has provided insight into schools’ performance.
“We are turning our 285 schools into 285 private schools,” he
explains of HISD’s new decentralization plan. “Their budgets are
set by how many students they can attract.” Each child has a money
amount attached to him or her, with special needs students—special
education, bilingual—getting more funding. Thus, if a school does
not attract enough students, it loses money, and this also alerts
the system that the school is not meeting parents’ or the community’s
expectations. “In effect, this is the public school option of
vouchers,” says Shadwick.
Vouchers are another hot topic in education—one that makes Hayes,
among others, upset. “I am not in favor of vouchers, brought forth
in any form,” she states firmly. “Once money is lost from the
public school system, it will never be returned.” LAUSD does have
one of the most extensive magnet school programs in the country,
she says. “This is one form of parental/student choice within
the public school setting.” The district has also embraced charter
schools.
School Board presidents are often not the ones in the spotlight—or
put on the hot seat, depending on the issue—when the media or
the public looks at a school district. Usually the superintendent—or
chancellor—gets the attention. But it is important to remember
that the superintendent is there because of the Board, and ultimately
(we hope) the Board is there because of a commitment to children.
Segarra, in a statement she made about the NYCBOE election, said
“The most important part of our work is not down here in this
election, it’s the work we do to make sure that our children have
the best education possible.” And even in this contentious election,
Board members abstained from voting all together rather than vote
against the new president.
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